March 6, 2007

春节随感

春节期间的鞭炮声断断续续地袭击着夜晚,使我久久不能入睡。凌晨时分,我索性起床上网浏览,偶然间看到一位从事英文教学工作的知名人士写的一篇《漫步孔子故里》的文章。我以往一直以为从事英文教学的人对中国文化所知甚少,今天才从他们流畅以及颇具几分幽默感的文笔中认识到他原来是一个十分了解中国历史和文化的英文教学专家,使我这位年轻人颇有几分感慨!

一位成功人士能在今天的中国社会率众探访孔子故里,会使人情不自禁想到国学大师王国维说过的一句话:“天才不失其赤子之心也”。在此,我当然不是把他比作“天才”,而是想说他有点儿王国维笔下的那股“情节”。毕竟他是社会的知识精英及名流,他对孔子的崇敬和怜悯之情,自然就能从现实中反映出他的确是这个儒家社会的宠儿,被社会接受、并拥抱着,这仿佛也是情理之中的事!

我认为《漫步孔子故里》是一篇“感怀”,字里行间里流露出了作者对孔子的敬佩之情。或许我能理解他对孔子的情怀,正如他们都是教书的“同行”,所不同的是各自所处的时代和出发点不一样。孔子是集中国文化的大成者,而英文教学似乎主要是在传播西方文化。当然,谁也说不清教英文及传播西方文化是否最终也能在这个转型期间的国度为文化的转型做出一些贡献,不论是有意识还是无意识,社会的定论往往不以我们个人的意志目标为转移。

我觉得他在文章中表达的观点十分客观,同时也认为 “谁也不敢说假如没有孔子的思想,中国的历史是否会更好” 的争议其实没多大意义。儒家毕竟影响中国两千多年,任何人以假定没有儒家思想的前提来谈论中国的历史和文化也的确不客观!至于说没有孔子及儒家,中国的历史和文化也绝不会如此“灿烂”,这个也难以说清!

孔子一生颠沛流离,的确是一个很不幸的人。至于他生后却能在中国“走红二千年”,他在文章中提到了“统治阶级”的作用的确是要旨。而我认为儒家的存在及其影响是建立在法家的基石之上。这里的“法家(Rule by Law)”不同于西方的“法制(Rule of Law)”,它是不包括帝王及其家眷在内的“王法”,是由韩非子创立,经秦始皇及其群臣的首次运用,并在潜移默化后延续至今的统治利器。

或许有很多人都认知孔子及其儒家思想是被人利用、甚至篡改了的工具。尽管中国历史上改朝换代那么多次,但是孔子及儒家思想直到今天却依然在影响我们的社会,若究其原由,也是因为法家的存在!不论孔子之后的儒家思想者们是否有意或无意效力于帝王,也不论儒家思想是否博大精深,反正它过去、现在、甚至今后仍旧是“工具”。

我个人也认为孔子本人并非有罪无罪的问题。但是,若有人要给他“翻案”,那就是说他“有罪”,但孔子到底有什么罪呢? 假如说他有“罪”话,那就是他在两千多年前那个动荡不安的时代提出了后来成为中国文化的核心价值的“和”字。“和”的理念不仅导致西汉以来中国人分裂、统一的历史循环。对于大多数中国人而言,统一与分裂的本身除了因战争的忧患会造成人民的不幸外,别的意义都值得人们深究!“和”的最大收益者还是“法家”的执行者。即使是在文革期间主导打倒儒家的毛泽东本人,其行为本身的“合法性”也是基于“法家”之上,因而,“法家”才是中国社会的最大克星!事实上,导致中国人习惯于墨守成规的生活和思考方式的罪魁祸首也是“法家”。

在今天的中国社会,法家仍然发挥着特殊的功能,维护着“儒家文明”的招牌,并大力倡导儒家文化的复兴。至于说法家是否能开创“儒家文明”的新局面,这个问题又要反过来问孔子以及儒家。但孔子以及儒家学说显然不能提供明确答案,因为儒家的伦理道德观在今天的中国社会已经失去了光泽,人们也不再把儒家伦理看成是什么金科玉律。尽管儒家在中国社会仍然像是一只“无形的手”,插入到中国人生活的方方面面,但在人们的主观思想上,尤其是在年轻一代人身上,已是众叛亲离。儒家的贫困潦倒是否只是一个短暂的阶段,这就要看中国文化的灵魂及价值与西方的民主价值观是否真的矛盾,是否的确不能合二为一,以及如何才能合二为一。

法家对我们中国人政治生活的影响非常的大。假如说大多数中国人都不乐意生活在一个法家的社会,那么人民会用他们自己的方式去表达。但是,到目前为止,中国社会的发展水平还不至于让所有公民都充分享有自由表达的权利,大多数中国人也根本辨别不了文化甚至制度上的是非。或许这种状况会日渐好转,只是中国历史上法家主导下的“变”往往也只是“时间和量”的变化,而不会涉及到“质”的变化。

以前北京市春节期间严禁燃放烟花爆竹,如今却是午夜时分还在震耳欲聋地响,空气中都散发着火药味,仿佛就是置身于伊拉克的战场。这种情形使我情不自禁地感觉到这个国家由于很深的文化积淀,难以在文化和政治制度上创新。中国在当今世界的影响,也主要是在经济方面,在政治、军事和文化方面还非常有限。至于以后会不会有很大的影响,这就要看我们中国人能否做出点新东西。

March 3, 2007

Nixon and Mao

Nixon and Mao by Margaret MacMillan - Books - Review - New York Times

February 28, 2007
Books of The Times
Four Visionaries With Cloudy Visions
By JOSEPH KAHN

NIXON AND MAO
The Week That Changed the World

By Margaret MacMillan 404 pages. Illustrated. Random House. $27.95.

The story of how Nixon came to meet Mao in 1972 has been told by journalists, historians and many of the principals themselves. It has been memorialized in film and mythologized as opera. “Nixon to China” must be one of the most widely understood terms of art in politics and diplomacy.

In that sense, the rapprochement between the United States and China makes a compelling topic for Margaret MacMillan, a Canadian historian now widely noted for writing seamless, big-picture historical narratives. In her previous work, “Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World,” she examined the negotiations that followed World War I, showing how a varied cast of outsize egos literally redrew the map of the world.

In “Nixon and Mao: The Week that Changed the World,” Ms. MacMillan seeks to present the frigid week in February 1972 that Richard M. Nixon spent in China in much the same way. She retells the tale engagingly, from Mao Zedong’s enigmatic outbursts, to Zhou Enlai’s seductive diplomacy, to Henry A. Kissinger’s obsessive distrust of the State Department.

Yet the momentous event that changed the world is a common conceit for popular works of history, and it is an unsatisfying premise for examining the opening salvo of the complex and unsettled relationship between the United States and China.

The re-establishment of relations was, of course, a milestone, but it was also an artifact of the cold war. It did not alter history the way any of Ms. MacMillan’s four protagonists, Nixon, Mr. Kissinger, Mao and Zhou, thought it would. Ms. MacMillan acknowledges as much, but she has the delicate task of treating her main actors as visionaries when none of them foresaw the outcome.

The United States has yet to abandon Taiwan and force it to return to mainland Chinese rule, perhaps China’s most important goal in opening its door to Nixon. China did not pressure North Vietnam to make major concessions to end the Vietnam War on terms favorable to the United States, one of Nixon and Mr. Kissinger’s dominant concerns. Their common rival, the Soviet Union, took two decades to collapse.

One event that arguably did more to change the world came a few years later, after Mao and Zhou had died, Nixon had resigned in disgrace, and Mr. Kissinger no longer had a patron in the White House. That was when Deng Xiaoping abandoned Maoist policies in both domestic and foreign relations and overhauled China’s economy. Today China and America are no longer cards for each other to play. They have become giants warily circling each other in what could be the decisive contest of the 21st century.

In describing Mr. Kissinger’s intensive negotiations over the wording of the Shanghai Communiqué during Nixon’s visit, Ms. MacMillan reports that he urged his Chinese hosts not to waste time discussing trade. “The maximum amount of bilateral trade possible between us, even if we make great efforts, is infinitesimal in terms of our total economy,” Mr. Kissinger said. Ms. MacMillan, with characteristic understatement, calls these “interesting predictions.” In 2006 China’s trade surplus with the United States exceeded $230 billion.

Yet it is clear that Ms. MacMillan did not write the book for the weighty reasons she claims. She wrote it because it is a gripping, old-fashioned drama from the “great men” school of history. It has larger-than-life characters whose motivations ranged from the sordid to the profound. They staked their reputations on bridging the chasm between the world’s richest country and its most populous one at a time when far more modest strategic realignments seemed likely to upset the cold war balance of power.

Ms. MacMillan explores the tectonic shift in the thinking of both top leaders that made the overture possible, then follows the intrigue of their tentative probes, through Poland, France and Pakistan, to open negotiations.

Mao, at the time still championing the Cultural Revolution that was tearing his country apart, determined that he liked dealing with “rightists” like Nixon. Nixon, whose red-baiting anti-Communism carried him to the highest office in the land, fawned before Mao when invited to meet the chairman in his study.

Both men, perhaps especially Nixon, were self-conscious about making a grand historical gesture. But they acted out of weakness. Nixon could find no face-saving solution to the Vietnam War. Mao’s boundless paranoia had focused on his chosen successor, Lin Biao, even as his own health deteriorated sharply. Both sides worried deeply about the Soviet Union.

Ms. MacMillan makes skillful use of the trove of archival information that has recently become public, mining it for detail that gives her narrative fullness and subtlety.
Nixon’s presidential advance team left behind a Xerox machine when the Americans realized that the Chinese had to copy every diplomatic document manually. The Chinese insisted on having their own pilots fly Air Force One over Chinese territory, but they did not know how to use the advanced navigation system on the Boeing 707.

The theme that comes through most clearly is the mendacity and pettiness of the Nixon White House. Nixon and Mr. Kissinger schemed to exclude their own State Department from any significant role and competed with each other to get credit with the news media.

Mr. Kissinger, in a gesture that now seems recklessly generous, passed along to the Chinese reams of top-secret intelligence on the Soviet Union and India. That, and the fact that Nixon went to China without any assurance that Mao would meet him, signaled clearly that the Americans came as supplicants.

Ms. MacMillan presents much of this information unvarnished and remains aloof from the raging debate over the conspiratorial style of Nixon and Mr. Kissinger. “About Face,” by Jim Mann, and “A Great Wall,” by Patrick Tyler, a former Beijing bureau chief of The New York Times, offered more polemical versions of the same events. William Burr also analyzed much of the material in “The Kissinger Transcripts.”

Ms. MacMillan’s dispassionate approach does not challenge the historical record. She also does not fulfill her own promise of showing how the world was forever altered. But Nixon’s meeting with Mao was undeniably a shock, and Ms. MacMillan has written an electrifying account .